Adventurez in Wonderland
cloudz, food stuffz, Meeka Zane, buddiez & other randomness.
Tuesday, August 4, 2015
Dadcam of the Damned
Labels:
dadcamofthedamned,
fuct,
olywa,
skateboarding,
skateordie
Wednesday, November 19, 2014
Saturday, November 8, 2014
Monday, October 27, 2014
Is the Affordable Care Act working?
Interesting NY Times article with some analysis of the ACA. I'm not necessarily of a fan of the ACA, but it's a step in the right direction. Every healthcare system has pros and cons, but i'd rather deal with the cons of universal healthcare than what the US' healthcare system has turned into in the past 30 years.
Tuesday, October 14, 2014
Monday, October 13, 2014
Blogger App - Testing
Blogger has added an app to post, and since I have not been able to use my blog via my iPhone for 2 years, maybe this will do the trick.
Friday, October 3, 2014
Decision Allows Abortion Law, Forcing 13 Texas Clinics to Close
Reading this NY Times story this morning gave me a stomach ache. Such political bullshit. Political Bullshit. Hopefully the pro-women side will win this appeal against ignorance and bullshit.
DALLAS — Thirteen abortion clinics in
Texas were forced to close immediately after a federal appellate court
on Thursday sided with Texas in its yearlong legal battle over its
sweeping abortion law and allowed the state to enforce one of the law’s
toughest provisions while the case was being appealed.
The decision by a three-judge panel of the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, in New Orleans, will have a far-reaching effect on abortion services in Texas, lawyers for abortion providers said. The ruling gave Texas permission to require all abortion clinics in the state to meet the same building, equipment and staffing standards as hospital-style surgical centers, standards that abortion providers said were unnecessary and costly, but that the state argued improved patient safety.
Thirteen clinics whose facilities do not meet the new standards were to be closed overnight, leaving Texas — a state with 5.4 million women of reproductive age, ranking second in the country — with eight abortion providers, all in Houston, Austin and two other metropolitan regions. No abortion facilities will be open west or south of San Antonio.
The “ruling has gutted Texas women’s constitutional rights and access to critical reproductive health care, and stands to make safe, legal abortion essentially disappear overnight,” said Nancy Northup, the president and chief executive of the Center for Reproductive Rights, whose lawyers were part of the legal team representing the clinics that sued the state.
But Lauren Bean, a spokeswoman for Greg Abbott, the Texas attorney general, whose lawyers represented the state and who is the front-runner as the Republican nominee in the Texas governor’s race, praised the ruling. “This decision is a vindication of the careful deliberation by the Texas Legislature to craft a law to protect the health and safety of Texas women,” Ms. Bean said.
The three-judge panel agreed with the state’s lawyers that there was insufficient evidence that a “large fraction” of women seeking abortions would face an unconstitutional burden because of the surgical-center requirements and clinic closings. They wrote that the data provided by one of the plaintiffs’ experts, Dr. Daniel Grossman, suggested that about one out of six Texas women seeking an abortion would live more than 150 miles from the nearest clinic if the surgical-center rules went into effect.
“This is nowhere near a ‘large fraction,’ ” the panel wrote.
Two of the three judges were appointed by Republican presidents, and one, Judge Stephen A. Higginson, was appointed by President Obama. Judge Higginson concurred in part and dissented in part from the majority opinion.
The panel’s decision was only temporary and left open the possibility that the clinics could reopen as the case proceeds. Nevertheless, abortion providers and their lawyers said they were considering all of their legal options, including appealing to the Supreme Court or to the full Fifth Circuit.
Meanwhile, Texas Republicans and anti-abortion groups who backed the law praised the decision and said it countered a series of court rulings that struck down other abortion restrictions across the South.
Joe Pojman, executive director of the anti-abortion group Texas Alliance for Life, commended Mr.
Abbott’s legal team for “their effective defense of Texas law from challenges from the abortion industry.”
In July 2013, the Republican-dominated Texas Legislature passed some of the toughest abortion restrictions in the United States, after a marathon filibuster that turned a Democratic state senator,
Wendy Davis, into a national political star and set the stage for her campaign for governor. Some parts of the law were already being enforced, but the surgical-center requirement had yet to take effect.
This August, Judge Lee Yeakel of United States District Court in Austin ruled that the surgical-center rule put an unconstitutional burden on women seeking abortions, and that the effect of clinic closings and the reduced geographic distribution of clinics operated “just as drastically as a complete ban on abortion.” In the months before the law was enacted last summer, Texas had 41 facilities providing abortions. In recent weeks, that number had decreased to 21.
Judge Yeakel also blocked a requirement that doctors performing abortions obtain admitting privileges at a hospital within 30 miles of a clinic.
In an unusual move, the judge granted the abortion providers who sued the state broader relief than they had requested. Lawyers for abortion facilities had asked him to strike down the requirement as it applied to two clinics, in El Paso and McAllen. But Judge Yeakel ruled the admitting-privileges requirement and the surgical-center standards, operating together, put undue burdens on women statewide, and created “a brutally effective system of abortion regulation that reduces access to abortion clinics.”
Lawyers for Mr. Abbott appealed Judge Yeakel’s ruling to the Fifth Circuit, asking the court to temporarily block the decision while the appeal proceeded.
The Fifth Circuit, regarded by many as one of the most conservative federal appellate courts, had given Texas favorable rulings in past abortion cases and was expected to do the same this time. In March, a different Fifth Circuit panel sided with Texas in the first lawsuit over the new abortion restrictions, overturning a decision by Judge Yeakel and upholding the admitting-privileges rule as constitutional.
In court documents and at a hearing in New Orleans, lawyers for Texas had attacked Judge Yeakel’s decision on several fronts, and some of their arguments influenced the circuit panel’s ruling. Jonathan F. Mitchell, the state’s solicitor general, said Judge Yeakel was legally barred from ruling on the statewide impact and constitutionality of the admitting-privileges requirement because the Fifth Circuit had already upheld it in March.
Judge Yeakel’s actions “border on defiance of this court,” Mr. Mitchell wrote in court documents.
The panel, in its ruling on Thursday, appeared to agree with Mr. Mitchell. Judge Yeakel’s decision to invalidate the admitting-privileges requirement throughout Texas was “inappropriate because plaintiffs did not request that relief” and was “directly contrary to this circuit’s precedent,” the judges wrote.
Lawyers for Texas argued that the abortion patients who will face burdensome driving distances because of the law did not amount to a “large fraction,” and that an abortion regulation cannot be invalidated unless it imposes an undue burden on what the Supreme Court called “a large fraction of relevant cases.”
The lawyers representing abortion clinics said Judge Yeakel did not have to apply the “large fraction” test, and that even if he did, the affected population was indeed large. The clinics’ lawyers said in one analysis that about 17 out of 100 Texas women of reproductive age would face a substantial obstacle to abortion services.
The decision by a three-judge panel of the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, in New Orleans, will have a far-reaching effect on abortion services in Texas, lawyers for abortion providers said. The ruling gave Texas permission to require all abortion clinics in the state to meet the same building, equipment and staffing standards as hospital-style surgical centers, standards that abortion providers said were unnecessary and costly, but that the state argued improved patient safety.
Thirteen clinics whose facilities do not meet the new standards were to be closed overnight, leaving Texas — a state with 5.4 million women of reproductive age, ranking second in the country — with eight abortion providers, all in Houston, Austin and two other metropolitan regions. No abortion facilities will be open west or south of San Antonio.
The “ruling has gutted Texas women’s constitutional rights and access to critical reproductive health care, and stands to make safe, legal abortion essentially disappear overnight,” said Nancy Northup, the president and chief executive of the Center for Reproductive Rights, whose lawyers were part of the legal team representing the clinics that sued the state.
But Lauren Bean, a spokeswoman for Greg Abbott, the Texas attorney general, whose lawyers represented the state and who is the front-runner as the Republican nominee in the Texas governor’s race, praised the ruling. “This decision is a vindication of the careful deliberation by the Texas Legislature to craft a law to protect the health and safety of Texas women,” Ms. Bean said.
The three-judge panel agreed with the state’s lawyers that there was insufficient evidence that a “large fraction” of women seeking abortions would face an unconstitutional burden because of the surgical-center requirements and clinic closings. They wrote that the data provided by one of the plaintiffs’ experts, Dr. Daniel Grossman, suggested that about one out of six Texas women seeking an abortion would live more than 150 miles from the nearest clinic if the surgical-center rules went into effect.
“This is nowhere near a ‘large fraction,’ ” the panel wrote.
Two of the three judges were appointed by Republican presidents, and one, Judge Stephen A. Higginson, was appointed by President Obama. Judge Higginson concurred in part and dissented in part from the majority opinion.
The panel’s decision was only temporary and left open the possibility that the clinics could reopen as the case proceeds. Nevertheless, abortion providers and their lawyers said they were considering all of their legal options, including appealing to the Supreme Court or to the full Fifth Circuit.
Meanwhile, Texas Republicans and anti-abortion groups who backed the law praised the decision and said it countered a series of court rulings that struck down other abortion restrictions across the South.
Joe Pojman, executive director of the anti-abortion group Texas Alliance for Life, commended Mr.
Abbott’s legal team for “their effective defense of Texas law from challenges from the abortion industry.”
In July 2013, the Republican-dominated Texas Legislature passed some of the toughest abortion restrictions in the United States, after a marathon filibuster that turned a Democratic state senator,
Wendy Davis, into a national political star and set the stage for her campaign for governor. Some parts of the law were already being enforced, but the surgical-center requirement had yet to take effect.
This August, Judge Lee Yeakel of United States District Court in Austin ruled that the surgical-center rule put an unconstitutional burden on women seeking abortions, and that the effect of clinic closings and the reduced geographic distribution of clinics operated “just as drastically as a complete ban on abortion.” In the months before the law was enacted last summer, Texas had 41 facilities providing abortions. In recent weeks, that number had decreased to 21.
Judge Yeakel also blocked a requirement that doctors performing abortions obtain admitting privileges at a hospital within 30 miles of a clinic.
In an unusual move, the judge granted the abortion providers who sued the state broader relief than they had requested. Lawyers for abortion facilities had asked him to strike down the requirement as it applied to two clinics, in El Paso and McAllen. But Judge Yeakel ruled the admitting-privileges requirement and the surgical-center standards, operating together, put undue burdens on women statewide, and created “a brutally effective system of abortion regulation that reduces access to abortion clinics.”
Lawyers for Mr. Abbott appealed Judge Yeakel’s ruling to the Fifth Circuit, asking the court to temporarily block the decision while the appeal proceeded.
The Fifth Circuit, regarded by many as one of the most conservative federal appellate courts, had given Texas favorable rulings in past abortion cases and was expected to do the same this time. In March, a different Fifth Circuit panel sided with Texas in the first lawsuit over the new abortion restrictions, overturning a decision by Judge Yeakel and upholding the admitting-privileges rule as constitutional.
In court documents and at a hearing in New Orleans, lawyers for Texas had attacked Judge Yeakel’s decision on several fronts, and some of their arguments influenced the circuit panel’s ruling. Jonathan F. Mitchell, the state’s solicitor general, said Judge Yeakel was legally barred from ruling on the statewide impact and constitutionality of the admitting-privileges requirement because the Fifth Circuit had already upheld it in March.
Judge Yeakel’s actions “border on defiance of this court,” Mr. Mitchell wrote in court documents.
The panel, in its ruling on Thursday, appeared to agree with Mr. Mitchell. Judge Yeakel’s decision to invalidate the admitting-privileges requirement throughout Texas was “inappropriate because plaintiffs did not request that relief” and was “directly contrary to this circuit’s precedent,” the judges wrote.
Lawyers for Texas argued that the abortion patients who will face burdensome driving distances because of the law did not amount to a “large fraction,” and that an abortion regulation cannot be invalidated unless it imposes an undue burden on what the Supreme Court called “a large fraction of relevant cases.”
The lawyers representing abortion clinics said Judge Yeakel did not have to apply the “large fraction” test, and that even if he did, the affected population was indeed large. The clinics’ lawyers said in one analysis that about 17 out of 100 Texas women of reproductive age would face a substantial obstacle to abortion services.
Correction: October 2, 2014
An
earlier version of this article, along with a picture caption,
misstated when the 13 abortion clinics in Texas will have to close after
a federal appellate court sided on Thursday with the state in its legal
battle over a sweeping law. It is immediately, not next Thursday.
Tuesday, July 8, 2014
Dan Savage - Nailed it.
SEXWhy Are Conservatives Fighting Contraception?
posted by DAN SAVAGE on TUE, JUL 8, 2014 at 8:27 AM
Well, what do you know? If a state makes contraception available to more women—particularly young and poor women—that state's teen birth rate, abortion rate, and welfare caseload all plummet:
A program that provides contraceptives to low-income women contributed to a 40-percent drop in Colorado's teen birth rate over five years, according to state officials. The program, known as the Colorado Family Planning Initiative, provides intrauterine devices (IUDs) or implants at little to no cost for low-income women at 68 family planning clinics in Colorado. The teen abortion rate dropped by 35 percent from 2009 to 2012 in counties served by the program, according to the state's estimates. Young women served by the family planning clinics also accounted for about three-fourths of the overall decline in Colorado's teen birth rate during the same time period. And the infant caseload for Colorado WIC, a nutrition program for low-income women and their babies, fell by 23 percent from 2008 to 2013.
Conservatives insist that women who can't afford birth control should simply go without sex. But faced with a choice between immediate deprivation (going without sex) and abstract risk (chancing a pregnancy), most women (and men) will take their chances. And when women who take their chances get pregnant, conservatives rush in to condemn them for being "irresponsible." But give poor and working women access to effective birth control—free IUDs and implants—and they will use it. So the lesson in Colorado is that most women want to be "responsible," it's just that too many can't afford to be. The cost of an IUD, as Ruth Bader Ginsberg pointed out in her blistering Hobby Lobby dissent, "is nearly equivalent to a month's full-time pay for workers earning the minimum wage."
The lesson in Colorado for conservatives ought to be this: You can be against abortion or you can be against contraception but you can't be against abortionand against contraception. Making contraception harder for women to get—looking at you, Hobby Lobbyists—means more unplanned pregnancies and more unplanned pregnancies mean more abortions.
So why are conservatives fighting so hard to make contraception harder for women to obtain? Because they don't think people—young people, poor people, unmarried people, gay people—should be able to enjoy "consequence-free sex." Because it's sex that they hate—it's sex for pleasure that they hate—and they hate that kind of sex more than they hate abortion, teen moms, and welfare spending combined. Knowing that some people are having sex for pleasure without having their futures disrupted by an unplanned pregnancy or having their health compromised by a sexually transmitted infection or having to run a traumatizing gauntlet of shrieking "sidewalk counselors" to get to an abortion clinic keeps them up at night.
Wednesday, January 9, 2013
Dear Blogger, You're the worst. Sincerely, Lacey
I still cannot post blog entries from my phone. It's impossible to contact anyone to get help with this (literally impossible), no forums discussing the problem, and no logical reason why I started having issues to begin with. "Your mobile carrier is not supported, please visit this website for further information" - but there is never "further information". The links take me in circles. AT&T, seriously? Perhaps I should call them.
I'd switch to another blog, but I don't want to start over and i'm slightly addicted to Instagram.
There. Rant over. Maybe someone will stumble upon this entry one day and have some technical advice for me.
Fuck you, Blogger.
I'd switch to another blog, but I don't want to start over and i'm slightly addicted to Instagram.
There. Rant over. Maybe someone will stumble upon this entry one day and have some technical advice for me.
Fuck you, Blogger.
Friday, December 14, 2012
I agree.
We Are an Awful Nation
Posted by Goldy on Fri, Dec 14, 2012 at 2:04 PM
It is hard to imagine what these families in Newtown, CT must be suffering. Except I can imagine it. I am imagining it right now. And it's awful.
According to current accounts, a gunman, for whatever reason and of whatever state of mind, walked into a classroom and murdered a kindergarten teacher in front of her students. Then he turned his gun on the children, shattering their bodies one by one, leaving 18 kindergarteners dead. Imagine the terror. Imagine the carnage. Imagine the heartbreaking grief.
And the anger.
And yes, anger is an appropriate emotion to feel at this moment, not just at the gunman, but at the people and the politicians and the culture and the nation that would defend the indiscriminate right of Americans to arm themselves, whatever the tragic and inevitable consequences.
We have been told that our individual right to bear arms is inalienable, and that gun ownership is a fundamental part of who we are as a nation. Perhaps. But if so, then we are an awful nation—a nation that can imagine this morning's horror through the eyes of one of its young victims—and brush it off with the cliché that this is the price of our freedom.
According to current accounts, a gunman, for whatever reason and of whatever state of mind, walked into a classroom and murdered a kindergarten teacher in front of her students. Then he turned his gun on the children, shattering their bodies one by one, leaving 18 kindergarteners dead. Imagine the terror. Imagine the carnage. Imagine the heartbreaking grief.
And the anger.
And yes, anger is an appropriate emotion to feel at this moment, not just at the gunman, but at the people and the politicians and the culture and the nation that would defend the indiscriminate right of Americans to arm themselves, whatever the tragic and inevitable consequences.
We have been told that our individual right to bear arms is inalienable, and that gun ownership is a fundamental part of who we are as a nation. Perhaps. But if so, then we are an awful nation—a nation that can imagine this morning's horror through the eyes of one of its young victims—and brush it off with the cliché that this is the price of our freedom.
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